{"id":4112,"date":"2026-10-23T22:54:40","date_gmt":"2026-10-23T19:54:40","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/kaf1.org\/?page_id=4112"},"modified":"2026-10-23T22:58:08","modified_gmt":"2026-10-23T19:58:08","slug":"how-europes-new-political-class-began-rejecting-reality","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/kaf1.org\/?page_id=4112","title":{"rendered":"How Europe\u2019s New Political Class Began Rejecting Reality"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">October 27, 2024 | <a href=\"https:\/\/braveneweurope.com\/\">braveneweurope.com<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Glenn Diesen<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><em>Glenn Diesen is a professor of political science at the University of South-Eastern Norway (USN), Professor&nbsp; with research focus on geoeconomics, Russian foreign policy and Eurasian integration<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<figure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"590\" height=\"350\" src=\"https:\/\/kaf1.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/10\/Ga5OqyfXkAAiZ1I.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-4113\" srcset=\"https:\/\/kaf1.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/10\/Ga5OqyfXkAAiZ1I.jpg 590w, https:\/\/kaf1.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/10\/Ga5OqyfXkAAiZ1I-300x178.jpg 300w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 590px) 100vw, 590px\" \/><\/figure>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><em>Why has the European political class failed so egregiously in Ukraine: losing the war, causing the death of round one million people, destroying Ukraine, damaging the European economy, destabilising European politics, and creating an alliance of Russia and China, contrary to European interests?<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><strong>How Europe &#8216; s Political Class Began Rejecting Reality<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Russia considers NATO\u2019s incursion into Ukraine to be an existential threat, and NATO has openly stated its intention to make Ukraine a member state after the war. Without a political settlement that restores Ukraine\u2019s neutrality, Russia will therefore likely annex the strategic territories it cannot accept ending up under NATO control and then turn what remains of Ukraine into a dysfunctional rump state. As the war is being lost, the rational policy for the Europeans would therefore be to offer an agreement based on ending NATO\u2019s eastward expansion to save Ukrainian lives, territory and the nation itself. Yet, no European leader has been able to even suggest such a solution publicly. Why?&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Present the average European politician, journalist or academic with the following thought experiment: If you were an advisor to the Kremlin, what would be your advice to Russia if there are no negotiations to resolve the Ukraine War? Most would feel morally compelled to give ridiculous answers such as advising the Kremlin to capitulate and withdraw, even if Russia is on the cusp of victory. Any impulse to adhere to reason and address Russia\u2019s security concerns would likely be deterred by the threat of being shamed for \u201clegitimizing\u201d Russia\u2019s invasion.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><strong>What explains the decline of strategic thinking, pragmatism and rationality in European politics? Europe\u2019s Reality as a Social Construction&nbsp;<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The political class that emerged in Europe after the Cold War have become excessively ideological and committed to narratives to socially construct new realities. The Europeans embrace of postmodernism entails questioning the existence of objective reality as our understanding of reality is shaped by language, culture and unique historical perspectives. The postmodernists therefore often seek to change narratives and language as a source of political power. If reality is a social construction, then the grand narratives can be more important than facts. Indeed, ideological narratives must be defended from inconvenient facts.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The European project had the benign intentions of creating a common liberal democratic European identity that would transcend the divisive national rivalry and power politics of the past. The relevance of objective reality is contested, and narratives about reality are believed to reflect power structures that can be dismantled and reorganized .<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The prevalence of constructivism and focus on \u201cspeech acts\u201d in the EU has led to the belief that even using realist analysis and discussing competing national interests entail legitimizing realpolitik and thus socially constructing a more dangerous reality. Speech acts refer to the use of language as a source of power by constructing political realities and influencing outcomes. By reducing the focus on security competition in the international system, it is assumed that power politics can be mitigated.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Is it possible to socially construct a new reality? Do we transcend security competition by not addressing it or do we neglect the responsible management of security competition. Can we transcend national rivalries by focusing on common values or does the neglect of national interests result in decline?<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><strong>Socially Constructing a New Europe<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The concept of the \u201crhetorical trap\u201d explains how the EU reached a consensus to offer membership to Central and Eastern European states when it was not in the self-interest of all EU member states to do so. The rhetorical trap was set by first having member states accept the ideological premise that the legitimacy of the EU project was based on the integration of liberal democratic states. By appealing to the values and norms as the foundation the EU, a rhetorical trap was set as the sense of moral obligation shamed EU member states from vetoing the enlargement process. The use of language and framing could thus influence European states to not act in their own interests as they were shamed into compliance.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Schimmelfennig, who introduced the concept of the rhetorical trap, argues that \u201cpolitics is a struggle over legitimacy, and this struggle is fought out with rhetorical arguments\u201d.[1] The rhetorical trap simplifies a complex issue into a binary choice of either supporting the enlargement process or betraying liberal democratic ideals. The moral framing shuts down important discussions about the potential downsides of accepting new members and how to address these challenges in the best way. Dissent could be crushed as framing the issue as a moral imperative meant that those who even questioned the moral framing could be accused of undermining the sacred values that uphold the legitimacy of the entire European project.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The concept of \u201cEuro-speak\u201d entails using emotional rhetoric to legitimize an EU-centric understanding of Europe that de-legitimizes alternative concepts of Europe. Centralizing decision-making and transferring power from elected parliaments to Brussels is typically referred to as \u201cEuropean integration\u201d, \u201cmore Europe\u201d, or \u201cever-closer Union\u201d. Neighbouring non-member states that adhere to the EU\u2019s external governance are making the \u201cEuropean choice\u201d, confirming their \u201cEuropean perspective\u201d, and embracing \u201cshared values\u201d. Dissent can be delegitimized as \u201cpopulism\u201d, \u201cnationalism\u201d, \u201cEurophobia\u201d and \u201canti-Europeanism\u201d, which undermines the \u201ccommon voice\u201d, \u201csolidarity\u201d and the \u201cEuropean dream\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The language has also changed in terms of how the West asserts power in the world. Torture is \u201cenhanced interrogation techniques\u201d, gunboat diplomacy is \u201cfreedom of navigation\u201d, dominance is \u201cnegotiations from a position of strength\u201d, subversion is \u201cdemocracy promotion\u201d, coup is \u201cdemocratic revolution\u201d, invasion is \u201chumanitarian intervention\u201d, secession is \u201cself-determination\u201d, propaganda is \u201cpublic diplomacy\u201d, censorship is \u201ccontent moderation\u201d, and the more recent example of China\u2019s competitive advantage that is labelled \u201covercapacity\u201d. George Orwell\u2019s concept of Newspeak entailed constraining language to the point it became impossible to express dissent.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><strong>NATO and the EU: Redividing Europe or \u201cEuropean Integration\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Western leaders initially recognized that abandoning an inclusive pan-European security architecture by expanding NATO and the EU would likely provoke another Cold War. The predictable consequence of constructing a new Europe without Russia would be to redivide the continent and then fight over where the new dividing lines should be drawn.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">President Bill Clinton cautioned in January 1994 that NATO expansion risked&nbsp; \u201cdrawing a new line between East and West that could create a self-fulfilling prophecy of future confrontation\u201d.[2] Clinton\u2019s Secretary of Defence, William Perry, even considered resigning in opposition to expanding NATO. Perry noted that most people in the administration knew the betrayal would create conflicts with Russia, yet they believed it did not matter as Russia was weak.[3] George Kennan, Jack Matlock and a multitude of American political leaders also framed it as a betrayal against Russia and warned against redividing Europe. These concerns were also shared by many European leaders.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">What happened to the discourse and warnings about instigating another Cold War? The narrative of the EU and NATO as a \u201cforce for good\u201d that advance liberal democratic values had to be defended against the \u201coutdated\u201d narrative of power politics. Russian criticism of reviving the zero-sum security architecture of bloc politics was presented as evidence of Russia\u2019s \u201czero-sum mentality\u201d. Russia\u2019s inability to recognize that NATO and the EU were positive-sum actors that transcend power politics allegedly revealed Russia\u2019s inability to overcome the dangerous mindset of realpolitik, which was caused by Russia\u2019s enduring&nbsp; authoritarianism and great power ambitions. The EU was merely constructing a \u201cring of friends\u201d, while Russia allegedly demanded \u201cspheres of influence\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Russia was presented with the dilemma of either embracing the role of an apprentice aiming to join the civilized world by accepting NATO\u2019s dominant role as a force for good, or Russia could resist NATO\u2019s expansionism and \u201cout-of-area missions\u201d but then be treated as a dangerous force to be contained. Either way, Russia would not have a seat at the table in Europe. Liberal democratic tropes justified why the largest state in Europe should eventually be the only state without representation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The expansion of NATO and the EU as exclusive blocs also imposes an \u201cus-or-them\u201d dilemma on the deeply divided societies in Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia. Yet, rather than recognizing the predictable destabilization of divided societies in a divided Europe, it is presented as positive-sum \u201cEuropean integration\u201d despite the implicit decoupling from Russia. Societies prioritizing closer relations with Russia rather than NATO and the EU are delegitimized for rejecting democracy while their leaders are dismissed as authoritarian \u201cPutinists\u201d who deprive their people of their European dream.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The moral framing of the world convinced European leaders to support a coup to pull Ukraine into the NATO orbit. It was common&nbsp; knowledge that only a small minority of Ukrainians desired NATO membership and that it would likely trigger a war, yet liberal democratic rhetoric still convinced European leaders to ignore reality and supporting disastrous policies. Common sense could be shamed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Western political leaders, journalists and academics seeking to mitigate the security competition by addressing Russia\u2019s legitimate security concerns are similarly accused of carrying water for Putin, repeating Kremlin talking points, \u201clegitimising\u201d Russian policies, and undermining liberal democracy. With the binary moral framing of good versus evil, intellectual pluralism and dissent are castigated as immoral.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Besides being plagued by war, Europe is also undergoing economic decline. The Europeans are buying Russian energy through India as an intermediary as they are morally obliged to follow failed sanctions. The virtue-signalling contributes to European industries becoming less competitive. The de-industrialization of Europe is also caused by the destruction of the Nord Stream pipelines, yet the event that is destroying decades of industrial development is memory-holed as the only two suspects are the US and Ukraine. Furthermore, the US offers subsidies to the subsequent uncompetitive European industries if they relocate across the Atlantic. In the absence of acceptable narratives, the Europeans simply keep silent and do not defend their national interests. The narrative of liberal democracies united by values rather than divided by competing interests must be defended from inconvenient facts.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><strong>Diplomacy, Neutrality &amp; the Virtue of War<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Diplomacy does not conform with the constructivist effort to socially construct a new reality. The point of departure in international security is the security competition in which efforts to increase the security of a state can decrease the security of another. Diplomacy entails enhancing mutual understanding and pursuing compromise to mitigate the security competition.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The social constructivists often consider diplomacy to be problematic as it \u201clegitimizes\u201d the security competition that recognizes NATO can undermine legitimate Russian security interests. Furthermore, it risks legitimizing the opponent and creating a moral equivalency between Western states and Russia. The European elites believe that legitimizes outdated and dangerous concepts of power politics by engaging in mutual understanding. The absurd conviction that negotiation is \u201cappeasement\u201d has become normalized in Europe.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Diplomacy therefore has been reimagined as a relationship between a subject and an object, between a teacher and a student. In this relationship, NATO and the EU consider their role as \u201csocializing\u201d other states. As a civilizing teacher, the Enlightened West uses diplomacy as a pedagogic instrument in which states are \u201cpunished\u201d or \u201crewarded\u201d by their preparedness to accept unilateral concessions. While diplomacy historically has been imperative during times of crisis, the European elites believe they must instead punish \u201cbad behaviour\u201d by suspending diplomacy once a crisis breaks out. Meeting with opponents during crises runs the risk of legitimizing them.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Neutrality was until recently considered a moral stance that mitigates security competition and enables a state to serve as a mediator rather than becoming entangled and escalating conflicts. In a struggle between good and evil, neutrality is also deemed to be immoral. The belt of neutral states that existed between NATO and the Warsaw Pact countries has now been dismantled and even war becomes a virtuous defence of moral principles.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><strong>How to Restore Rationality &amp; Correct the Post-Cold War Mistakes?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The failure to establish a mutually acceptable post-Cold War settlement that would remove the dividing lines in Europe and enhance indivisible security has resulted in a predictable catastrophe. Yet, course correction requires nothing less than reconsidering the policies of the past 30 years and the concept of Europe at a moment when animosity is rampant on both sides. The European project was envisioned as the embodiment of Fukuyama\u2019s \u201cend of history\u201d thesis and an entire political class has based their legitimacy on conforming to the idea that developing a Europe without Russia was a recipe for peace and stability.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Does Europe have the rationality, political imagination and courage to critically assess its own mistakes and contribution to the current crisis, or will all criticism continue to be denounced as a threat to liberal democracy?<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>October 27, 2024 | braveneweurope.com Glenn Diesen Glenn Diesen is a professor of political science at the University of South-Eastern Norway (USN), Professor&nbsp; with research focus on geoeconomics, Russian foreign policy and Eurasian integration Why has the European political class failed so egregiously in Ukraine: losing the war, causing the death of round one million [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"parent":0,"menu_order":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"","meta":{"_regular_price":[],"currency_symbol":[],"footnotes":""},"class_list":["post-4112","page","type-page","status-publish","hentry"],"post_slider_layout_featured_media_urls":{"thumbnail":"","post_slider_layout_landscape_large":"","post_slider_layout_portrait_large":"","post_slider_layout_square_large":"","post_slider_layout_landscape":"","post_slider_layout_portrait":"","post_slider_layout_square":"","full":""},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/kaf1.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/pages\/4112","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/kaf1.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/pages"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/kaf1.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/page"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kaf1.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kaf1.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=4112"}],"version-history":[{"count":6,"href":"https:\/\/kaf1.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/pages\/4112\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":4120,"href":"https:\/\/kaf1.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/pages\/4112\/revisions\/4120"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/kaf1.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=4112"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}